Double Helix: Blueprint of Nations
Welcome to 'Double Helix: Blueprint of Nations,' the podcast where we analyze and look at the events, people and actions that have shaped the nations of our world . From revolutions to treaties, conflicts to triumphs, we explore the historical blueprints that continue to influence the way nations think and act today.
Double Helix: Blueprint of Nations
The Spanish Civil War: The Two Spains (Part 1)
Journey with us through the intricate web of Spanish history leading up to the Spanish Civil War, a narrative rich with drama and upheaval. What if the seeds of Spain's modern struggles were planted back in 1874 with the fall of the first Spanish Republic? We promise to unravel this complex tapestry, exploring the corrupt Turno Pacifico system, anarchism's fiery rise in Catalonia, and the enigmatic peasant revolt of La Mano Negra. Listen as we paint a vivid picture of a nation grappling with identity and unrest, from the aftermath of the Spanish-American War to the surge of regionalist movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country.
As we navigate the early 20th century, witness Spain's turbulent journey towards modernity. Follow the dramatic events that shook the nation, including the 1909 protests in Barcelona and the rise and fall of General Miguel Primo de Rivera. Our narrative crescendos with the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic, a symbol of hope and reform that faced staunch opposition from traditionalists. Amidst political chaos and social challenges, we'll explore how the idealistic dreams of the republic collided with harsh realities, setting the stage for the catastrophic civil war that would redefine Spain's future. Join us as we uncover the forces that tore Spain apart, leaving an indelible mark on its history.
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Today's episode contains descriptions of political violence, civil unrest and instances of state repression that some listeners may find disturbing. You know how they say you can't understand someone until you walk a mile in their shoes. Well, I'd argue you can't understand a nation until you've walked through its history, not just the highlight reel or the sanitized version you find in textbooks. I mean really getting into its DNA, those defining moments that shaped everything that came after, those moments where paths were chosen, where decisions were made in palaces and backrooms and city streets that changed the course of millions of lives. I'm your host, paul, and this is Double Helix Blueprint of Nations, where we unravel the genetic code of countries through their most transformative moments. Think of it like ancestry testing, but for entire nations who dig deep into the historical DNA, finding those crucial moments that made countries who they are today. Today we're beginning with part one of our Spanish Civil War story. We're beginning a journey that still haunts Spain nearly a century later, a story so complex, so tragic, that Spanish families still lower their voices when they talk about it. Now I know what some of you might be thinking Another war story. But trust me, this isn't just about battles and generals. This is about how a nation can tear itself apart so completely that grandfather fights grandson, neighbor turns against neighbor and the scars last for generations. This is about how Spain became a testing ground for the horrors that would soon engulf all of Europe in World War II.
Speaker 1:Picture yourself in Madrid, 1874. The first Spanish Republic has just collapsed. After lasting barely a year, the monarchy is restored under Alfonso XII, and the political elite think they've found a clever solution to Spain's problems. They create something called the Turno Pacifico, a system where two parties, the conservatives and the liberals, agree to take turns governing. Sounds reasonable, right? Here's the catch, and this is where things get interesting. This whole system was built on fraud. In rural areas, local bosses called caciques controlled the votes. They literally tell people how to vote, or just stuff the ballot boxes themselves. Pio Baroja, one of Spain's greatest novelists, described a typical election like this the day before the election, the cacique calls his people together and hands each of them a ballot already filled in. Take this, he says, and put it in the ballot box tomorrow. I found this quote from a cacique that, I think, also says it all. Why bother counting votes? What matters is who does the counting, and so, while politicians in Madrid played their games. Real Spain was changing.
Speaker 1:Let me take you to Barcelona in the 1880s. The city is humming with factories, workers are packed into cramped apartments, working 12-14 hours a day, and they're starting to organize. But not like workers in other countries. Spanish workers, particularly in Catalonia, are drawn to something more radical anarchism. Now this wasn't just about putting up posters or going on strike.
Speaker 1:In 1893, anarchist Paulino Palaz throws a bomb at General Martínez Campos in Barcelona. The general survives, but this kicks off what historians call the era of assassinations. Two weeks after Palazzo is executed, another anarchist bombs the Liceo Opera House in revenge, killing 20 people. This is the Spain of the pistoleros, where labor disputes are settled with bullets. Imagine being a worker in one of Barcelona's textile factories. The clack of the looms is deafening, the air thick with cotton dust. You work from dawn to dusk, barely earning enough to feed your family, and then one day, a compañero sleeps you.
Speaker 1:A pamphlet. It speaks of a world without bosses, without inequality. It says that the only way to achieve this is through direct action, through propaganda by the deed. For many workers, this wasn't just an idea. It was a glimmer of hope in the life of toil. Meanwhile, down in Andalusia, something even more mysterious is happening. Meanwhile, down in Andalusia, something even more mysterious is happening.
Speaker 1:In 1883, authorities uncover what they claim is a vast conspiracy called La Mano Negra, the Black Hand. They arrest hundreds of peasants, executing several of them. Here's the thing, though Many historians now think that La Mano Negra never actually existed. It was probably invented by landowners to crush peasant organizations. But it shows you just how scared the ruling class was of peasant revolt. And they had reasons to be scared. Let me tell you about the town of Casas Viejas.
Speaker 1:In 1933, and yes, we're jumping ahead a bit here, but this story is too important to skip Peasants there declared what they called libertarian communism. They took over the town, believing that this was part of a nationwide revolution. It wasn't. The government sent in the assault guards who burned down a house with anarchists inside and executed a dozen peasants. When a journalist asked one of the survivors why they revolted, he said we were hungry. Our children were hungry. The rich have everything. We have nothing.
Speaker 1:So let's go back to our timeline, in 1898, the year everything starts to unravel for Spain. Spain loses Cuba, puerto Rico and the Philippines to the United States in the Spanish-American War. The war is a disaster. Spanish soldiers, many of them pesant conscripts, die more from yellow fever and dysentery than from American bullets. The poet Manuel Machado, who volunteered for the war, would later write I had gone to Cuba trusting in the patriotic idea. What did I find? Hunger, misery, sickness.
Speaker 1:When the survivor returns home, they find a country in crisis, a country questioning everything it thought it knew about itself. This is when the regionalists start flexing their muscles. In Catalonia, a young politician named Enric Prat de la Riba writes a manifesto called the Catalan Question. He argues that Catalonia is a nation, not just a region, but its own language, its own culture, its own identity. His movement, the Liga Regionalista, gains power. They don't want independence, not yet, but they want autonomy.
Speaker 1:The Basques are making similar demands, and the Spanish right sees this as the beginning of the end of Spain itself. You see, spain at this time is many Spains, not just a single homogeneous nation. The country has grown apart with very different versions of itself. Walk down Las Ramblas in Barcelona and you won't hear much Spanish being spoken. Instead, you'll hear Catalan, the language of a proud region that sees itself as distinct from the rest of Spain. The streets are humming with the sounds of industry. Factory owners are getting rich, workers are organizing unions and everyone's talking about autonomy.
Speaker 1:From Madrid, now, hop on a train and head north to the Basque country. Here's another Spain, entirely In Bilbao. Ancient traditions mix with modern industry. The Basque speak their own language, euskera, which is so different from Spanish. It might as well be from another planet. They have their own laws, their own customs and a fierce pride in their distinct identity, but want to see where the real powder keg is.
Speaker 1:Let's head south to Andalusia. Picture this it's dawn and hundreds of peasants are heading out to work in the fields that they'll never own. These vast states called latifundios belong to a handful of noble families. Some of these estates are bigger than entire towns. The landowners are probably in Madrid, living in a palatial home, while the people working their land can barely feed their children. And speaking of Madrid, this is where you'll find yet another Spain the Spain of the Catholic Church, which sees itself as the defender of tradition against forces of godless modernism. The Spain of the army officers, who see themselves as the guardians of national unity. The Spain of intellectuals in their cafes debating how to drag the country into the modern age. Now let me tell you something that still blows my mind. In 1900, spain had more monks and nuns than industrial workers. Think about that for a second. While Britain and France were racing into the industrial age, spain was still living in what might as well have been the Middle Ages, but change was coming, whether Spain was ready or not.
Speaker 1:On the right, the car list supporters of a rival branch of the royal family are still strong. In Navarre, in the Basque country, they've already launched three civil wars in the 19th century, fighting for a Spain of throne and altar, a Spain where the king rules absolute and the church holds sway over every aspect of life. They hate liberals. They hate socialists even more, and they're armed. When Pope Pius IX announced modernity in his famous Syllabus of Errors, carlist across Spain cheered For them. The old ways are the only ways. They're not alone in their hatred of change. Throughout Spain, there are men who see modernization as a threat to everything they hold dear, men like Juan Vázquez de la Mella, a fiery orator who declares liberalism is the disguise of Satan and democracy is his offspring. For them, spain's essence is in its traditions, its Catholicism and its empire. Anything that challenges that, be it regional nationalism, socialism or even democracy itself, is a mortal threat.
Speaker 1:Then there is the church. In 1901, a young nun in Madrid caused a national scandal. Her name was Sister Ursula and she tried to leave the convent. When she died under suspicious circumstances, anti-clericals rioted in the streets. The church blamed godless liberals, liberals blamed religious fanaticism. But this wasn't just about one nun's tragic fate. It was about the role of the church in a changing Spain. Would it embrace reform or would it cling to its ancient privileges? For many Spaniards, especially in the cities, the church was a symbol of everything that needed to change.
Speaker 1:Let me take you deep into one of the most important moments that showed just how divided Spain had become Barcelona's tragic week of 1909. Tragic week of 1909. Picture this it's July and the narrow streets of Barcelona's Rabal district are simmering with anger. The government has just announced that reservists are being called up to service in Morocco, where Spain is fighting a colonial war that nobody wants. Now here's a crucial detail that lit the powder kick. If you were wealthy, you could pay 3,000 pesetas to buy your way out of service. That was about six years' wages for a factory worker. So once again, it was the poor who would have to pay the price for the ambitions of the rich.
Speaker 1:On July 25th, a Monday, wives and mothers of the reservists gather at the train station, determined to stop the troop trains from leaving. They lie down on the tracks. They hurl stones at the police, but the police fire back and soon the city explodes. In the working class neighborhoods the street lamps are put out, plunging the city into darkness, and then the fires begin. Over the next week, more than 80 religious buildings churches, convents, catholic schools go up in flames. For the anarchists and the anti-clericals, the church is just another pillar of the corrupt old order.
Speaker 1:The government's response was brutal. They declared martial law and sent in the army. When it was over, somewhere between 104 and 150 civilians were dead, shot in the streets or executed after summary trials. But what came next showed just how deep the division ran. The authorities arrested Francisco Ferrer, a prominent anarchist educator who ran what he called the Modern School, despite having no evidence that he organized the riots. In fact, he wasn't even in Barcelona when they began. They put him on trial. The prosecutor declared Ferrer is in the head of the revolution and I asked for the death penalty. And they got what they asked for. On October 13, 1909, ferrer was executed by firing squad. His last words would echo through Spanish history. Long live the modern school.
Speaker 1:Ferrer's execution sparked international outreach. Protests erupted from Paris to Buenos Aires. The Spanish government had created a martyr, but for the forces of reaction it was a triumph. They had drawn a line in the sand. On one side, the Spain of the future secular, democratic, even revolutionary. On the other, the Spain of the past, catholic, monarchist, traditionalist. These two Spains were on a collision course. The years that followed were like a slow-motion train wreck. Each side became more and more entrenched. In 1912, josé Canalejas, a liberal prime minister, was assassinated by an anarchist prime minister, was assassinated by an anarchist. In 1919, employers in Barcelona began hiring pistoleros, basically mercenaries, to kill union leaders. The unions responded in kind. Over the next few years, more than 500 people would die in this dirty war.
Speaker 1:And then comes 1917, and no, we're not talking about Russia just yet. Spain had its own revolutionary year. There's a military revolt by officers demanding reforms, there's a general strike that paralyzes the country and there's an attempt to create an alternative parliament in Barcelona. None of these movements coordinate with each other, which is why they all failed, but they show how the old system was cracking everywhere. The final straw comes in Morocco. In 1921, spanish forces suffered a catastrophic defeat at Anouan. 10,000 Spanish soldiers died, most of them conscripts. It's like Spain's Vietnam a colonial war that devours the nation's youth. The commander, general Silvestre, allegedly kills himself rather than face the disgrace of capture In Madrid. People demand answers. Who's responsible? Was the king involved? The government begins an investigation, but before the investigation can finish, general Miguel Primo de Rivera launches his coup. It's 1923, and Spain's fragile experiment with democracy is over, or so it seems.
Speaker 1:Primo is a curious figure, a military man with a populist streak. He promises to sweep away the old corruptions, to make Spain great again. Sound familiar At first, many Spaniards welcome him. They're tired of the chaos, the constant strikes, the assassinations. They want order. But Primo's order comes at a price. Under Primo, spain becomes a corporate estate. He creates a single government-controlled labor union, bans all others. Under Primo, spain becomes a corporate estate. He creates a single government-controlled labor union, bans all others, introduces censorship, shuts down opposition newspapers. And he doubles down on the war in Morocco, pouring men and money into the conflict that much of the country has come to hate. This is where Spain's economic story takes a dramatic turn.
Speaker 1:Primo had grand plans for modernizing Spain. By 1929, he built 7,000 kilometers of new roads and 1,000 kilometers of railways. He created state monopolies like CAMSA for oil and TELEFONICA for communications. On the surface, spain was transforming. Let me show you what was happening beneath the surface.
Speaker 1:When Primo took power in 1923, spain's external debt was around 5.6 billion pesetas. By 1930, it had skyrocketed to 8.7 billion. Let me put that in human terms $6.7 billion. Let me put that in human terms. A worker who had saved 1,000 pesetas in 1923 watched their savings melt away as the peseta lost nearly half of its value against the British pound. And then there was Morocco. Even as Spanish families struggled to afford bread, the government was pouring 18 to 22 percent of the entire state budget into colonial wars that nobody wanted.
Speaker 1:Imagine being a factory worker in Barcelona again, or the farmer in Andalusia, knowing that nearly a quarter of your wages were going to a war that was mainly making arms dealers rich. The industrialists who had initially supported Primo began turning against him. Here's where we see another of Spain's fault lines. In Catalonia, factory owners who had welcomed his promise of order now found their business strangled by his centralized economic policies. One Catalan businessman wrote in 1929, we thought we were getting a surgeon to cure Spain's ills. Instead we got a butcher. When the global depression hits in 1929, everything collapses. Exports plummet, unemployment soars In the countryside, peasants go hungry. In the cities, workers lose their jobs. Primo, who had promised prosperity, now became a symbol of everything that was wrong with Spain. In January 1930, he resigns.
Speaker 1:King Alfonso XIII, trying to save his throne, brings back the old political parties, calls for elections, but it's too late. In municipal elections in April 1931, republican candidates win in all major cities. The king, reading the writing on the wall, leaves the country. He doesn't officially abdicate, he just goes. Spain becomes a republic almost by accident. But let me leave you with one last scene.
Speaker 1:When the republic was declared, one journalist decided to take the temperature of spain's aristocracy. He visited a duke in his madrid palace to ask about the republic's plan for land reform. The duke took him into his study and pointed to an old sword hanging on the wall. You see that he said. My great-grandfather used that sword to fight against Napoleon. Let them try to take my lands. His great-grandson knows how to use it too. That sword wasn't just a family heirloom, it was a warning. Spain's old guard wouldn't give up their privileges without a fight, and the Republic was about to challenge all of them the church, the army, the landowners, the industrialists. They were about to attempt one of the most ambitious reform programs in European history, in a country where some people still kept their great-grandfather's sword hanging on the wall, waiting for the day that they'd need to use it.
Speaker 1:We're going to leave the story here for now. I appreciate you taking these first few steps with me into the history of one of the most complex and tragic stories of the 20th century. Next time, on Double Helix, the Second Republic takes power and Spain embarks on the most ambitious reform program in its history. But as the new government attempts to reshape Spanish society, overnight, powerful forces begin to align against it. The Catholic writer Camilo de Mezzo will write the republic means social decay, it means disorder, it means chaos. It means loss of individual liberty. On the left, the anarchist leader Buenaventura Durruti would declare we are not in the least afraid of ruins. We carry a new world here in our hearts. So join us as we explore how hope turned into fear and fear to confrontation. So until then, thank you for listening and we will see you soon.
