The Haitian Curse: The Black Jacobins (Part 2)

We trace how Toussaint Louverture transforms a burning revolt into a political project with armies, laws, and an economy strong enough to face Europe. The story moves from alliances and betrayals to constitutions and a final trap, ending with the birth of Haiti and the cost of its freedom.

Chapters

• 0:00 Night At Breda: A Choice
• 2:35 Rebellion Without A Blueprint
• 6:45 Meeting The Rebel Generals
• 9:55 Betting On Spain
• 14:30 War Becomes International
• 17:20 France Abolishes Slavery
• 18:30 Switching Sides To France
• 22:40 Breaking Britain’s Invasion
• 24:10 The Plantation Paradox
• 27:05 The 1801 Constitution
• 30:10 Napoleon Strikes Back
• 33:30 Capture And Exile
• 36:00 Dessalines Finishes The War
• 38:00 What Toussaint Proved
• 40:00 Teaser: The Indemnity Curse

Transcript

SPEAKER_01: 0:04

Francois Dominique Dussain stands in the shadows watching his world burn. Not literally. Breda hasn't been torched yet. It's one of the few plantations in the northern province that's still intact after three months of rebellion. But everything that he's known for the last 48 years is collapsing with the certainty of a building whose foundation has been bombed. We are in the Breda plantation of the northern province of Saint Domain. November of 1791. It is 2 47 AM. Toussaint has been watching for three months now. Watching the rebellion explode across the northern provinces exactly as planned at Bois Caimon. He's been watching Bookman lead attacks with religious fervor until the French killed him and mounted his head on a pike in Le Cap as a warning. He's been watching Jean Francois and Biasu assume command and transform scattered slave revolts into something resembling an army. He has been watching thousands of enslaved people to seen death in battle over life in bondage. Toussaint is a freedman. He has been one since 1777. He's built something in those fourteen years. He manages horses at Bretta, leases a small coffee plantation, even owns property. He has security, a future for his children, everything a former enslaved person could hope to achieve within the system. But he recognizes that the system is dying, and he has to decide, protect what he's built by staying neutral, or risk everything to join a rebellion that might fail catastrophically. The rebellion is succeeding beyond anyone's expectation. The French are divided, terrified, barely holding the coastal cities. The free people of color don't know which side to support. The Spanish in Santo Domingo are watching with interest, and they are seeing opportunity. The British in Jamaica are preparing to intervene before this revolution contagion spreads to one of their own slave colonies. But Toussaint sees something the other rebel leaders do not, or cannot. They're winning battles, but they're not building anything. They're destroying the plantation system without creating an alternative. They're fighting for freedom without understanding what freedom actually requires to be sustainable. So tonight he has made a decision. At forty eight years old, having achieved the security most enslaved people never dream of, he's about to risk it all to become a revolutionary. Not because of passion or fury, but because of calculation. Literacy, strategic thinking, knowledge of European military tactics from the books he's read in secret for decades, understanding of how to build institutions rather than just destroy them, and critically, the respect of both African-born and Creole enslaved people, both field workers and skilled laborers. But more than that, the revolution needs someone who understands that winning this war requires more than military victory. It requires making Saint-Domingue so valuable, so strategically important, so necessary to whoever controls it, they'll accept free slaves running it rather than lose it entirely. As he rides out before dawn, not to join the nearest rebel camp, but to find Jean-Francois and Biasou, to offer his services, begin the transformation from coachman to general, from enslaved property to revolutionary leader, from Francois Dominique Toussaint to Toussaint L'Auverture, the opening. The men who will crack open the door to freedom and hold it open long enough for an entire nation to walk. What he doesn't know yet is that in 12 years, he'll effectively rule this entire colony, that he'll defeat the French, the Spanish, and the British armies, he'll create a constitution, rebuild an economy, and transform a slave rebellion into a functioning state, that he'll become a thorn in Napoleon Bonaparte's side, and the reason why France will sell Louisiana to the United States. And he also doesn't know that his success will make him dangerous to everyone, to the French who fear him, to Napoleon who can't tolerate him, and ultimately to his own revolution, which will consume him before the nation that he's helped create even declares its independence.

SPEAKER_00: 5:07

This is part two of the Haitian Curse, the Black Jacobits.

SPEAKER_01: 5:16

You know how they say you can't understand someone until you walk a mile in their shoes? Well, I'd argue you can't understand a nation until you've walked through its history. Not just to highlight Rio or the sanitized version you find in textbooks. I mean really getting into its DNA. Those defining moments that shaped everything that came after. Those moments where paths were chosen, where decisions were made in palaces and backrooms and city streets that changed the course of millions of lives. I'm your host, Paul, and this is Double Helix, Blueprint of Nations, where we unravel the genetic code of countries through their most transformative moments. Think of it like ancestry testing, but for entire nations. We dig deep into the historical DNA, finding those crucial moments that made countries who they are today. I described Toussaint as an enslaved coachman in 1791, but that's not actually accurate. He was actually freed around 1777, so by the time the revolution started, he'd been a freedman for about 14 years. He managed horses at Breda Plantation and leased a small coffee plantation, even though in a little property. This actually makes his decision to join the rebellion even more remarkable. He wasn't escaping his own slavery, he was risking everything he'd built to fight for others' freedoms. It is an important distinction, so wanted to make sure you got it through. To understand how Toussaint transformed a slave rebellion into a revolutionary army, you need to understand what he was working with in November of 1791. This was not a disciplined force with clear objectives and unified command. This was tens of thousands of people who simultaneously chosen death over bondage, but who had wildly different ideas about what came next. The initial rebellion had been devastatingly effective at destruction. Over a thousand plantations burned. The sugar machinery that generated St. Domingue's wealth, those mills and boiling houses we discussed last episode, were reduced to rubble and ash. White colonists were killed or driven into the coastal cities where they huddled behind defensive fortifications. The richest colony in the world was suddenly producing nothing. But destruction is easier than construction. And by late 1791, the rebel forces were fragmenting along fault lines that the plantation system had deliberately created. African-born fighters, the Beaux Allais, tended towards complete destruction of the colonial system. Many wanted to return to subsistence farming to recreate African village structures, to have nothing to do with the European economy that had enslaved them. Their leaders included men like Saint Suci, Amakaya, who saw the revolution as total liberation from everything European, culture, economy, and governance structures. The Creole rebels, born in Saint-Domingue and speaking French and Creole, were integrated into colonial cultures, saw different possibilities. They understood that complete isolation from Europe meant poverty, that the island's wealth came from sugar and coffee, whether anyone liked it or not, that winning military battles meant nothing if the economy collapsed entirely. Then you had divisions by previous status, field workers versus former domestics, those who've been worked under the most brutal conditions versus those who had small privileges, former drivers, enslaved people promoted to enforce discipline on other enslaved people were particularly suspect. Had they internalized the master's psychology? Could they even be trusted? And cutting across all of this, the question of what freedom actually meant. Freedom from slavery, obviously. But freedom to do what? Return to African agricultural practices? Maintain the plantation system under black control? Or create something entirely new? These weren't academic debates. These were life and death questions that had to be answered while fighting a war on multiple fronts. And this is where Toussaint's calculated entry becomes crucial. He didn't join the rebellion with grant pronouncements or claims of leadership, he offers something more valuable strategic thinking.

SPEAKER_00: 10:07

Let me take you to the first meeting with Jean Francois and Biasou in their camp outside Le Cap.

SPEAKER_01: 10:19

Jean Francois and Georges Biassous are the rebellion's military commanders. Both have been privileged enslaved people before the uprising. Jean Francois was a coachman, and Biasu worked on the household. Both are brave, charismatic, capable of inspiring men to die for freedom. Neither has formal military training or experience building institutions that can survive beyond immediate battles. In November of 1791, Susan arrives without fanfare. He's 48 in a movement of young men. He's known locally, but he's not famous. And critically, he doesn't demand command. He just comes in to offer service. His status as a freedman actually makes his entry even more remarkable. He's risking security and property that Jean Francois and Via Sue never had the chance to build is choosing to join a revolution when he could stay safely neutral. At least for now. You've won extraordinary victories. You've proven that enslaved people can fight, can win, can terrify the masters. Now comes the harder part. Building something that lasts longer than the next battle. Jean Francois is skeptical. Who is this middle-aged coachman to lecture them on strategy? Toussaint is offering expertise they desperately need. Someone who can read and write formal French. Someone who understands European military tactics. Someone who thinks in terms of campaigns rather than just battles. What do you propose? Alliance with Spain. Toussaint says immediate. He's been calculating this for months. The Spanish in Santo Domingo hate the French. They'll arm us, train us, give us legitimacy. In exchange, we help them conquer the French side of Saint Domingue. Once we've strong enough, we build real military capacity, then we can determine our own future. It is called pragmatism, using one colonial power against another, fighting for Spanish interests while building towards black independence. And it requires trusting that when the time comes to turn against Spain, it'll be strong enough to do so. And this is Toussaint's genius. Seeing revolution not as a single moment to liberate people, but as a long campaign requiring strategic alliances, tactical flexibility, most importantly, patience. By early 1792, the rebel forces had formalized an alliance with the Spanish of Santo Domingo. Spain provided weapons, ammunition, military training, and critically formal military ranks. Jean Francois became a general in the Spanish colonial army. Starting lower, began his methodical rise through demonstrated competence. The Spanish Alliance transformed the rebellion from a slave revolt into an international conflict. Now, when rebel forces attacked French plantations, they did so as auxiliary units of a European power. This gave them legitimacy in the eyes of international law. They weren't just rebellious slaves, they were soldiers fighting for Spain against France. This also created profound psychological complications. These were formerly enslaved people fighting along Spanish slave owners, accepting ranks and honors from a colonial power that maintained its own brutal plantation system just across the border. To Set navigated this contradiction with the same calculated pragmatism he brought to everything. He fought for Spain. He accepted Spanish gold and Spanish titles. He led campaigns that expanded Spanish territory at French expense. But he never stopped building his own power base, creating loyalty to himself rather than to Spain, positioning himself for the eventual break that he knew must come. The military campaigns of 1792 through 1793 showcased Toussaint's developing tactical brilliance. He studied European military manuals he could now access through Spanish connections. He drilled his troops with discipline unusual for irregular forces. He emphasized fortification, supply lines, and strategic positioning. All the elements of professional warfare that separated armies from armed mobs. More importantly, he thought politically. Every plantation, his forces capture, he made a choice. Destroy it entirely or preserve it for the future. Toussaint increasingly chose preservation, not to return enslaved people to bondage necessarily, but to maintain the infrastructure for possible future production under a different labor system.

SPEAKER_00: 15:32

This, of course, infuriated the more radical commanders.

SPEAKER_01: 15:45

Why preserve the plantation system at all? Why not just burn every trace of slavery and start fresh? The answer, which Toussaint rarely spoke out loud, was always acted upon.

SPEAKER_00: 15:57

But it was simple.

SPEAKER_01: 15:59

Saint Domingue's power came from its economic productivity. Destroy that entirely, and the colony became worthless. And no European power had any reason to recognize black freedom or sovereignty, to simply reconquer it whenever they felt it was ready. To maintain the colony's economic value, to prove that free black labor could be as productive as enslaved, and suddenly you had leverage. It became too valuable to simply destroy. It was a radical argument hidden inside the conservative actions, and it would define Toussaint's entire approach to revolutionary state building. It is June of 1793 in Le Cap Francais. The news from France is stunning. Total abolition. Every enslaved person in French territory is now legally free. For the revolutionary forces, fighting for Spain against France, this creates an impossible dilemma. Been fighting against the French for two years. They build alliances with Spain based on France's defense of slavery. And now France has abolished slavery while Spain still maintains it? The cognitive dissonance is profound. The nation they're fighting against has granted their primary demand. The nation they're fighting for still enslaves people. How do you process that? Most of the rebel commanders are skeptical. Is this a real abolition or just desperate French tricks to divide the revolutionary forces? Will France actually honor this decree? Or will it be reversed in the moment the military situation stabilizes? But Toussaint sees opportunity. Fighting for Spain no longer makes sense if France offers actual freedom. And if France is lying, if abolition is tactical rather than real, then joining the French temporarily costs nothing. So, in May of 1794, Toussaint makes the first of many betrayals that will define his revolutionary career. He abandons Spain, the power that arm him, train him, give him rank and legitimacy, and switches to the French side, bringing his troops with him. The Spanish are furious. Jean-Francois Mbiazu, still loyal to Spain, denounced Toussaint as a traitor. Some of his own officers refuse to follow him, seen this as abandoning the revolution's principles for French promises. But Toussaint has calculated correctly. The French need him desperately. A massive British invasion force has landed in the south and the west, sent by London to conquer Saint-Domingue before revolutionary ideas start spreading to Jamaica and other British slave colonies. The French are losing badly. They need Toussaint's disciplined troops and military genius. So they don't just accept his defection, they embrace it. Toussaint is immediately commissioned as a general in the French Republican army. His forces are integrated into French command structures, and critically, the French commissioner, Legue Felicité Santonax, confirms that abolition is real and permanent. Let me take you inside Toussaint's thinking during this period, because it reveals the psychological complexity of revolutionary leadership. Toussaint is writing to one of his sons, trying to explain decisions that look like betrayal to anyone who doesn't understand the larger strategy. The letter reveals a mind constantly calculating several moves ahead, feeding revolution like a chess game where every piece sacrificed will serve the ultimate goal of black sovereignty. It is late 1794. People will say I betrayed Spain, he writes in careful French script. It will say that I am a turncoat, a man without principle who serves whoever offers the best immediate advantage. Let them say this. What matters is not what I am called, but what I achieve. France has abolished slavery. This is unprecedented, and it may only be temporary. Probably is temporary. But right now, it is real, and while it is real, we can use it to build power. We can use French resources, French weapons, French military training to create an army capable of defending our freedom regardless of what France decides to do later. The British must also be defeated. This isn't because I love France, because British victory means slavery's permanent return. British aren't fighting to free anyone. They're fighting to make Saint Domingue a British slave colony. So we fight them, using French support to defend freedom that exists only because France granted it, knowing that someday we may have to fight France too. This is the revolutionist long-term strategy rather than immediate catharsis. It is the coldly pragmatic recognition that achieving permanent black freedom in Saint-Domingue requires defeating multiple European powers sequentially, using each against the other, building strength incrementally until independence becomes viable. It is also profoundly lonely, because Toussaint can't explain this strategy fully to most of his followers. They need to believe that they're fighting for France, or for Spain, or for the immediate freedom. They need simple narratives. But Toussaint has to hold a complex reality. That they're fighting for themselves, using whoever is useful.

SPEAKER_00: 22:20

They train whoever must be betrayed, building towards a goal that might take decades to achieve.

SPEAKER_01: 22:33

Twenty thousand troops, how to speak, the largest expeditionary force Britain had ever sent to the Caribbean. London believed the conquest will be relatively simple. Land at multiple points, offer planters British protection in exchange for loyalty, restore slavery and plantation production under British control. They were catastrophically wrong. The British had calculated that formerly enslaved people, once abolition proved temporary, would surrender rather than face disciplined European troops. He had not accounted for Toussaint L'Ouverture. Between 1794 and 1798, Toussaint orchestrated one of history's great military campaigns. He fought a guerrilla war that made conquest impossibly expensive for Britain, using knowledge of terrain, weather, and the seas to systematically destroy British forces. The British troops, mostly recruited from urban Britain and Ireland, died in staggering numbers. Not primarily from combat, but from yellow fever and malaria. The seas that black soldiers, many born in tropical climates, were more resistant to. What the British thought would be a quick military conquest became a grinding war of attrition they could not win. But the more significant battles weren't against the British. They were internal. Disputes within the revolutionary forces about what kind of society they were building. Let me take you to one of those crucial conflicts because it reveals the revolution's fundamental paradox. In 1796, Saint-Souci, one of the revolution's original leaders, confronts Toussaint about plantation policy. Saint-Souci represents the radical wing of the revolution. African-born fighters who want complete rejection of European systems and values. You're forcing people back to their plantations, Saint-Souci says, his voice tight, barely contained with fury. We fought for freedom. Freedom means not working for masters, not following their schedules, not producing their crops. You've created a system where black people must work on plantations or face military discipline. How is this different from slavery? Toussaint responds with the patient tone of someone explaining basic math to a student who refuses to understand. It's different because they're paid. Because they can't be sold, and because they have legal rights. Because their children are free and will inherit that freedom. They must work where you tell them, when you tell them, doing what you tell them. That's not freedom. That's slavery with wages. This is the revolution's contradiction laid bare. Toussaint has established a system of cultivator labor. Formerly enslaved people must continue working on plantations, producing sugar and coffee for export, but as paid workers with legal protections rather than as property. It's his solution to maintaining Saint Domingue's economic value while abolishing slavery. But to radicals like Saint-Suci, it is betrayal. They fought to destroy the plantation system entirely, to return to the farming methods they were familiar with in Africa, to have nothing to do with the European economy.

SPEAKER_00: 26:03

To Saint's system looks like slavery with new management. Dussaun's counter-argument reveals his strategic thinking. If we destroy the plantations entirely, we become poor.

SPEAKER_01: 26:17

And if we become poor, we become weak. If we become weak, Europeans will reconquer us and restore actual slavery. The only way to maintain our freedom is to prove that we are productive, more productive than we were under slavery. Then we can become too valuable to destroy. It is a compelling argument, but also an argument that requires people who just escaped slavery to voluntarily return to plantation life, to accept military discipline and forcing work schedules, and to trust that this time things will be different.

SPEAKER_00: 26:52

Not everyone can make that leap of fate. By 1801, Toussaint had achieved something unprecedented.

SPEAKER_01: 27:15

He defeated the British, driven them from Saint Domingue at the cost of thousands of British lives and millions of pounds. He marginalized the Spanish, taking control of Santo Domingo and unifying the entire island under his authority. He could crush internal opposition, including executing or exiling radicals like Moise, his own nephew, who challenged his plantation labor system. And now he needed to formalize his power in a way that looked legitimate to European powers while establishing black sovereignty. The result was the Constitution of 1801, one of history's strangest political documents. Written primarily by white French lawyers under Toussaint's direction, it established Saint Domingue as an autonomous colony of France with Toussaint as governor for life, with nearly absolute power. It maintains formal French sovereignty, it protects Catholic Christianity, it emphasizes order, productivity, and hierarchy. It requires plantation labor. It even invites white planters to return with guarantees of property protection. Miners are former slaves, obviously. But read carefully, it is revolutionary. It permanently abolishes slavery and declares this evolution irrevocable. It prohibits racial discrimination in law. It gives Toussaint power to govern without oversight from France, it creates a military structure answerable only to him, and it makes trade with all nations legal, breaking France's mercantilist monopoly. Most importantly, it asserts that Saint-Domingue has the right to write its own constitution without French approval. This is de facto independence wrapped up in the diplomatic language of autonomy. In Paris, in July of 1801, Napoleon Bonaparte has just received a copy of Toussaint's constitution. He's been first council for two years, consolidating power after the chaos of revolutionary France. He's fought wars across Europe, defeated Austria, made peace with Britain, has restored Catholic Christianity, and negotiated a Concordat with the Pope, has begun rebuilding French imperial power. And now, his formerly enslaved coachman in Saint-Domingue has written a constitution without his permission, declared himself governor for life, and essentially created an independent black state while pretending to remain French. This man has made himself Napoleon of Saint-Domingue, Napoleon reportedly says. Comparison isn't meant as a compliment. For Napoleon, Toussaint represents multiple threats. Politically, he's an example of successful black governance that undermines racial hierarchies justifying colonialism everywhere. Economically, Independence Saint-Domingue threatens to undermine slavery throughout the Caribbean. Black people can run a plantation economy themselves. Why do European empires need slavery at all? And personally, Toussaint's success make Napoleon look weak, unable to control France's most valuable colony. So, Napoleon makes a decision that will lead directly to Haiti's independence. Though not in the way he intends. He will reassert French control over Saint-Domingue. He will restore racial hierarchy. He will prove that France, not formerly enslaved people, decides colonial policy. And so he assembles an invasion force. 40,000 troops commanded by his brother-in-law, General Charles Leclerc. The largest French military expedition ever sent across the Atlantic. Orders to remove Toussaint from power, neutralize the black military leadership, and restore the plantation economy under French racial management. Napoleon doesn't quite order slavery's restoration. He's too politically savvy to explicitly repudiate abolition, but his intentions are clear to everyone. This is a reconquest and a reinstatement. The French expedition arrives in Saint-Domingue in February of 1802. What follows is a brutal campaign that reveals both Toussaint's military genius and his ultimate limitations. Militarily, Toussaint fights brilliantly. He uses scorched earth tactics, burning coastal cities, including Cap Francais, rather than letting them fall into the hands of French forces. He retreats into the mountains, using guerrilla warfare to bleed the French invasion. He destroys infrastructure, denies supplies, and makes occupation impossibly expensive. But overall, he's in an impossible position. He's fighting the French while still claiming to be French. He's defending black freedom while maintaining that France granted it. He can't fully embrace independence because that would alienate the mixed race officers and white administrators that he's carefully integrated into his government. He can't fight as rootlessly and necessary because he's still trying to preserve the possibility of a negotiated settlement. LeClerc exploits these contradictions masterfully. He offers negotiations. He guarantees that France won't restore slavery. That's a lie. He appeals to Toussaint's loyalty to France. He bribes and intimidates Toussaint's subordinates, convincing several key commanders to the fact. By May 1802, exhausted by months of warfare, Toussaint agrees to a peace treaty. His officers will be integrated into the French army with their ranks reserved.

SPEAKER_00: 33:25

The war is over. Except it isn't. Because Leclerc is lying. Let me take you to the final betrayal.

SPEAKER_01: 33:39

It is June 7th, 1802. Toussaint is invited to a meeting with French General Brunet to discuss plantation labor regulations. He arrives with minimal escorts, is technically retired, after all, and technically there is peace. But it is a trap. French soldiers surround him. He's arrested on charges of planning another uprising. Within days, he's on a ship to France, in chains, being transported to imprisonment in the Jura Mountains. In overthrowing me, you have cut down in Saint Domingue the only trunk of the tree of liberty, Toussaint reportedly says as he's taken. And he is right, but he won't live to see it. Toussaint dies in prison in April 7th, 1803, in a cold cell in the Fort de Joux, likely from pneumonia and deliberate neglect. Napoleon's revenge, enacted through calculated cruelty. The man who defeated British and Spanish armies, who transformed the slave rebellion into a revolutionary state, who proved that black people could govern themselves, dies alone, cold, and forgotten in a French dungeon. But his prediction proved accurate. Within months of his capture, the revolution reignites, because Leclerc has made a fatal error. He's revealed that French promises mean nothing, that negotiation with France is impossible, that the only option is complete independence or complete submission. Jean-Jacques de Celines, one of Toussaint's former generals, assumes revolutionary command. Unlike Toussaint, de Céline has no illusions about negotiated settlements or gradual independence. He fights with the ruthlessness that Toussaint's political calculations prevented. Total war, aimed at driving every French person from the island. Yellow fever does its part. It kills thousands of French soldiers, including Leclerc himself. Napoleon, distracted by resuming war in Europe, cannot send reinforcements. By November 1803, French forces are collapsing. On January 1st, 1804, Jean-Jacques de Celine declares Haiti's independence. Not as a French autonomous colony this time, but as an independent nation. The name itself, Haiti, from the indigenous Taino word meaning mountainous, is a deliberate rejection of the colonial name Saint-Domain. It is the world's first black republic, the only successful slave revolution in history, proof that enslaved people can defeat European empires and govern themselves. But it is also the start of a tragedy. Because Toussaint, who made independence possible through his military genius, his strategic thinking, his patient state building, Toussaint never saw it. The complexity of Toussaint's revolution defies simple narratives. He was simultaneously a liberator and an authoritarian, a visionary and a compromiser, a revolutionary and a pragmatist who tried to work within colonial systems while slowly dismantling them. He understood something that most revolutionaries miss. Winning battles isn't enough. You have to build something that can survive. And in a world hostile to black freedom, survival meant proving that black people could be as productive and as organized and as sophisticated as any European power. Did he compromise too much? Sun Susy and the radicals thought so. They wanted complete rejection of European systems, even if it meant poverty and vulnerability. Toussaint's insistence on maintaining plantation production, even with free labor, looked like betrayal to those who fought to destroy that system entirely.

SPEAKER_00: 38:04

So Toussaint ended up satisfying no one.

SPEAKER_01: 38:08

Too radical for the conservatives, too conservative for the radicals, to train everyone at some point in service of a vision he could never fully explain because it required thinking in terms of decades rather than immediate victories. But here is what he achieved. He proved that enslaved people could defeat European armies, he built a functioning state when revolutionary chaos, he demonstrated that black people could govern, organize, strategize, and succeed at everything colonialism claimed it couldn't do. When he died in that French prison, when Napoleon thought he'd won by eliminating this troublesome former slave, the revolution did not die with him, it intensified. Because Toussaint had built something strong enough to survive his loss. Next time, on double helix, Haiti declares independence, and the world responds with economic warfare. France demands 150 million francs as compensation for lost property, including the enslaved people who freed themselves. How the only successful slave revolution became a cautionary tale about the cost of black freedom, how international isolation, economic extraction, and diplomatic sabotage turned liberation into a curse that persists for two centuries. Until then, thank you for listening. We will see you soon.